watchdog2

I was watching double anal gangbanging on TV a while back. Does that stuff happen for real (sure it does!!) or just in the porn industry?? Sorry!! Just bored at work...

LOL!!!

Are you saying that you have a very small penis??

HIT A WOMAN?? NO.. SLAP A WOMAN!! YES!! SLAP THE SHIT OUT OF HER!!!

6.9 inches...

obesity is a resuly of a super acidic body...the body is trying to seperate the acidic ions from important muscle and tissues...so it stores it in fat in areas AWAY from the important organs that sustain life functions...like our hips, GUT, sides, legs...etc... GO read the book "Sick? and Tired" by Dr. Young...

go to Sherlocks in clear lake..on a monday nite...2.25 crown and cokes..SUPER slutty women...Nothing but a slut house in there...

great response!!! Yep...I totally agree and it all really boils down to this paragraph and what should be done.

YESSSSSSSSSSSSSSS!!!!!!!!!!!!!

go to Hawaii and be a tandem intructor..a friend of mine made 60K a year out there...

What does that mean?? I have my ideas, I just wanna get some second opinions...

Ok, whoever guy has the longest wins, and whoever gal has the deepest wins... me, 6.9 inches...LONG...LOL.

From a guy's perspective, after how many women does it take for him to be officially a slut?? How many for women??

So what would you do if a HUGE slithering vagina was SLITHERING like a slug across the land?? I mean...A HUGE VAGINA!!! 50 feet by 100 feet wide....

GOLD FRINGED FLAG The flags displayed in State courts and courts of the United States have gold or yellow fringes. That is your WARNING that you are entering into a foreign enclave, the same as if you are stepping into a foreign embassy and you will be under the jurisdiction of that flag. The flag with the gold or yellow fringe has no constitution, no laws, and no rules of court, and is not recognized by any nation on the earth, and is foreign to you and the United States of America. more information MILITARY FLAG WITH THE GOLD FRINGE Martial Law Flag "Pursuant to 4 U.S.C. chapter 1, §§1, 2, & 3; Executive Order 10834, August 21, 1959; 24 F.R.6865; a military flag is a flag that resembles the regular flag of the United States, except that it has a YELLOW FRINGE border on three sides. The President of the United States designates this deviation from the regular flag, by executive order, and in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the military. The placing of a fringe on the national flag, the dimensions of the flag and the arrangement of the stars in the union are matters of detail not controlled by statute, but are within the discretion of the President as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy." 34 Ops. Atty. Gen. 83. President, Dwight David Eisenhower, by Executive Order No.10834, signed on August 21, 1959 and printed in the Federal Register at 24 F.R. 6865, pursuant to law, stated that: "A military flag is a flag that resembles the regular flag of the United States, except that it has a yellow fringe border on three sides." THE LAW OF THE FLAG The Law of the Flag, an International Law, which is recognized by every nation of the planet, is defined as: "... a rule to the effect that a vessel is a part of the territory of the nation whose flag she flies. The term is used to designate the RIGHTS under which a ship owner, who sends his vessel into a foreign port, gives notice by his flag to all who enter into contracts with the ship master that he intends the Law of that Flag to regulate those contracts, and that they must either submit to its operation or not contract with him or his agent at all." Ref.: Ruhstrat v. People, 57 N.E. 41 By the doctrine of "four cornering" the flag establishes the law of the country that it represents. For example, the embassies of foreign countries, in Washington D.C., are "four cornered" by walls or fencing, creating an "enclave." Within the boundaries of the "enclave" of the foreign embassy, the flag of that foreign country establishes the jurisdiction and law of that foreign country, which will be enforced by the Law of the Flag and international treaty. If you enter an embassy, you will be subject to the laws of that country, just as if you board a ship flying a foreign flag, you will be subject to the laws of that flag, enforceable by the "master of the ship," (Captain), by the law of the flag. When you enter a courtroom displaying a gold or yellow fringed flag, you have just entered into a foreign country, and you better have your passport with you, because you may not be coming back to the land of the free for a long time. The judge sitting under a gold or yellow fringe flag becomes the "captain" or "master" of that ship or enclave and he has absolute power to make the rules as he goes. The gold or yellow fringe flag is your warning that you are leaving your Constitutionally secured RIGHTS on the floor outside the door to that courtroom. This is exactly why so many judges are appointed, and not elected by the people. The Federal judges are appointed by the President, the national military commander in chief. The State judges are appointed by the Governors, the state military commanders. The judges are appointed because the courts are military courts and civilians do not "elect" military officers. Under martial law, you are presumed guilty until proven innocent. The gold-fringed flag only stands inside military courts that sit in summary court martial proceedings against civilians and such courts are governed in part by local rules, but more especially by "The Manual of Courts Martial", U.S., 1994 Ed., at Art. 99, (c)(1)(b), pg. IV-34, PIN 030567-0000, U.S. Government Printing Office, Wash. D.C. The details of the crimes that civilians can commit, that are classed as 'Acts of War,' cover 125 pages in the Manual of Courts Martial. Under Article IV, section 3, of the Constitution for the united States of America, no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State. So -- Why have the judges of the State and Federal courts been allowed to erect foreign enclaves within our public courthouses under a foreign flag with the yellow fringe upon the soil of your state? We just thought you would like to know, so that the next time you see this yellow fringed flag you will know what you are looking at and what it really means. If you are in Spain and you see the National Flag of Spain, you would know that you are under the jurisdiction of Spain; and their laws govern you at this time. You are officially NOTICED when you see their flag. This is an admiralty law that says that all who see this flag understand they are governed by the laws of the country that this flag represents. You SHOULD understand that the gold or yellow fringed flag signifies the same thing. It is a notice to you that you are under the rules and regulations of the military force that is flying that flag. Are you familiar with martial law? Does your attorney understand what this flag means? "It is an elementary rule of pleading, that a plea to the jurisdiction is a tacit (silent) admission that the court has a right to judge the case and is a waiver to all exception to the jurisdiction."(Girty v. Logan, 6 Bush KY, 8)

War and the Emergency Powers War and The Emergency Powers and The Gold-Fringed Flag "The illegal we do immediately. The unconstitutional takes a little longer."--Henry Kissinger Since March 9, 1933, the United States has been in a state of declared national emergency. In fact, there are now in effect four presidentially-proclaimed states of national emergency: In addition to the national emergency declared by President Roosevelt in 1933, there are also the national emergency proclaimed by President Truman on December 16, 1950, during the Korean conflict, and the states of national emergency declared by President Nixon on March 23, 1970, and August 15, 1971. http://www.rallye-pointe.com/em_powers.htm Senate Report 93-549 War and Emergency Powers Acts, Executive Orders and the New World Order The Introduction to Senate Report 93-549 (93rd Congress, 1st Session, 1973) summarizes the situation that we face today - except it is far worse today than it was in 1973 !! "A majority of the people of the United States have lived all of their lives under emergency rule. For 40 years [now 66 years], freedoms and governmental procedures guaranteed by the Constitution have, in varying degrees, been abridged by laws brought into force by states of national emergency. The problem of how a constitutional democracy reacts to great crises, however, far antedates the Great Depression. As a philosophical issue, its origins reach back to the Greek city-states and the Roman Republic. And, in the United States, actions taken by the Government in times of great crises have - from, at least, the Civil War - in important ways, shaped the present phenomenon of a permanent state of national emergency." http://www.barefootsworld.net/war_ep.html ============================================== PRESIDENTIAL POWERS IN TIMES OF EMERGENCY: On September 14, 2001, President Bush declared that a "national emergency exists by reason of the terrorist attacks ... and the continuing and immediate threat of further attacks on the United States." When the emergency will end, no one knows. http://writ.news.findlaw.com/dean/20020607.html The Major Premise (updated November 13, 2000) The Introduction to Senate Report 93-549 (93rd Congress, 1st Session, 1973) summarizes the situation as best as possible; "A majority of the people of the United States have lived all of their lives under emergency rule. . . And, in the United States, actions taken by the Government in times of great crises have-from, at least, the Civil War-in important ways, shaped the present phenomenon of a permanent state of national emergency." http://www.universalway.org/majorpremise.html Is the Constitution Suspended? http://www.thenewamerican.com/tna/1996/vo12no03/vo12no03_schroder.htm CHAPTER 35 - INTERNATIONAL EMERGENCY ECONOMIC POWERS (a) Any authority granted to the President by section 1702 of this title may be exercised to deal with any unusual and extraordinary threat, which has its source in whole or substantial part outside the United States, to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States, if the President declares a national emergency with respect to such threat. (b) The authorities granted to the President by section 1702 of this title may only be exercised to deal with an unusual and extraordinary threat with respect to which a national emergency has been declared for purposes of this chapter and may not be exercised for any other purpose. Any exercise of such authorities to deal with any new threat shall be based on a new declaration of national emergency which must be with respect to such threat. http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/50/1701.html SUBCHAPTER III - EXERCISE OF EMERGENCY POWERS AND AUTHORITIES Sec. 1631. Declaration of national emergency by Executive order; authority; publication in Federal Register; transmittal to Congress When the President declares a national emergency, no powers or authorities made available by statute for use in the event of an emergency shall be exercised unless and until the President specifies the provisions of law under which he proposes that he, or other officers will act. Such specification may be made either in the declaration of a national emergency, or by one or more contemporaneous or subsequent Executive orders published in the Federal Register and transmitted to the Congress. http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/50/1631.html ====================================================== WE WILL NEVER COME UP WITH A SOLUTION, UNTIL WE KNOW THE PROBLEM!! WAR POWERS IS THE MAIN PROBLEM!! Senate Report - War and Emergency Powers Acts STUDY # 1 of 4 .... War and Emergency Powers http://www.apfn.net/pogo/L001I060630-war-powers1.MP3 STUDY #2 of 4.... War end Emergency Powers http://www.apfn.net/pogo/L002I060630-war-powers2.MP3 STUDY #3 OF 4 --- http://www.apfn.net/pogo/L003I060630-war-powers3.MP3 STUDY #4 OF 4 --- http://www.apfn.net/pogo/L004I060630-war-powers4.MP3 CONTACT SENATORS HERE http://senate.gov/general/contact_information/senators_cfm.cfm CONTACT HOUSE MEMBERS HERE http://www.house.gov/writerep/ WE ARE THE ENEMY! We the People Scoop 1/8/05 ** Special Edition ** =========================================== MEDIA RELEASE: THE PEOPLE ARE THE ENEMY "Since March the 9th, 1933, the United States has been in a state of declared national emergency. Under the powers delegated by these statutes, the President may: seize property; organize and control the means of production; seize commodities; assign military forces abroad; institute martial law; seize and control all transportation and communication; regulate the operation of private enterprise; restrict travel; and... control the lives of all American citizens" This situation has continued absolutely uninterrupted since March 9, 1933. We have been in a state of declared national emergency for nearly 63 years without knowing it. According to current laws, as found in 12 USC, Section 95(b), everything the President or the Secretary of the Treasury has done since March 4, 1933 is automatically approved: "The actions, regulations, rules, licenses, orders and proclamations heretofore or hereafter taken, promulgated, made, or issued by the President of the United States or the Secretary of the Treasury since March the 4th, 1933, pursuant to the authority conferred by Subsection (b) of Section 5 of the Act of October 6th, 1917, as amended [12 USCS Sec. 95a], are hereby approved and confirmed. (Mar. 9, 1933, c. 1,Title 1, Sec. 1, 48 Stat. 1]". On March 4, 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt was inaugurated as President. On March 9, 1933, Congress approved, in a special session, his Proclamation 2038 that became known as the Act of March 9, 1933: "Be it enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Congress hereby declaresthat a serious national emergency exists and that itis imperatively necessary speedily to put into effectremedies of uniform national application". This is an example of the Rule of Necessity, a rule of law where necessity knows no law. This rule was invoked to remove the authority of the Constitution. Chapter 1, Title 1, Section 48, Statute 1 of this Act of March 9, 1933 is the exact same wording as Title12, USC 95(b) quoted earlier, proving that we are still under the Rule of Necessity in a declared state of national emergency. 12 USC 95(b) refers to the authority granted in the Act of October 6, 1917 (a/k/a The Trading with the Enemy Act or War Powers Act) which was "An Act to define, regulate, and punish trading with the enemy, and for other purposes". This Act originally excluded citizens of the United States, but in the Act of March 9, 1933, Section 2 amended this to include "any person within the United States or any place subject to the jurisdiction thereof". It was here that every American citizen literally became an enemy to the United States government under declaration. According to the current Memorandum of American Cases and Recent English Cases on The Law of Trading With the Enemy, we have no personal Rights at law in any court, and all Rights of an enemy (all American citizens are all declared enemies) to sue in the courts are suspended, whereby the public good must prevail over private gain. This also provides for the taking over of enemy private property. Now we know whywe no longer receive allodial freehold title to our land... as enemies, our property is no longer ours to have. The only way we can do business or any type of legal trade is to obtain permission from our government by means of a license. So who initiated all of these emergency powers? (Again the abominable Federal Reserve - HR) On March 3, 1933, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York adopted a resolution stating that the withdrawal of currency and gold from the banks had created a national emergency, and "the Federal Reserve Board is hereby requested to urge the President of the United States to declare a bank holiday, Saturday March 4, and Monday, March 6". Roosevelt was told to close down the banking system. He did so with Proclamation 2039 under the excuse of alleged unwarranted hoarding of gold by Americans. Then with Proclamation 2040, he declared on March 9, 1933 the existence of a national bank emergency whereas "all Proclamations heretofore or hereafter issued by the President pursuant to the authority conferred by section 5(b) of the Act of October 6, 1917, as amended, are approved and confirmed". Once an emergency is declared, there is no common law and the Constitution is automatically abolished. We are no longer under law. Law has been abolished. We are under a system of War Powers. Our stocks, bonds, houses, and land can be seized as Americans are considered enemies of the state. What we have is not ours under the War Powers given to the President who is the Commander-in-Chief of the military war machine. Whenever any President proclaims that the national emergency has ended, all War Powers shall cease to be in effect. Congress can do nothing without the President's signature because Congress granted him these emergency powers. For over 60 years, no President has been willing to give up this extraordinary power and terminate the original proclamation. Americans are an enemy subject to tribunal district courts under Martial Law wartime jurisdiction; a Constitutional Dictatorship. http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/01-10-05/discussion.cgi.40.html -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Help americans: Rescind, Revoke & Restore What's Left of Us! Rescind, Revoke & Restore What's Left of Us! by kirwan April 29th - 2005 - We are beginning the fifth year of the new millennium and this nation has never been in greater danger. This country is cringing under a cloud of growing fascism that is being led by the Politics of Division. There is a war between the economic classes that erupted when the middle class was murdered. In matters of religion, the divisions are threatening to rip this nation apart, because Bush tore down the wall between church and state. And personal sexual rights and responsibilities have been under siege since the new Barbarians began to rewrite the constitution in religiously specific ways. Our national and international policies are in total disarray, because there is no leadership in any of the three branches of this government, or on any level within the legal profession, the military or the bureaucracy. Virtually everything that has been undertaken by this self-appointed band of plundering posers has been a failure; so it would appear that if there is to be a nation here in the sixth year of the new millennium: then the time has come for the public to begin to speak of Consequences. RESCIND: The public should demand that the White House rescind the Bush Doctrine of 2002.This document has done more to destroy relations between and among the nations of the world, than anything else that the US has tried to do in our history. What this has done to American life at home is only just now beginning to take root and become clear. The USA has done some extremely despicable things over the decades, but those activities were confined to one area of the universe at a time. This time, in the fourth month of the fifth year of the new millennium, The Bush Doctrine of 2002 is attempting to do to all what we did before: Not to just a few countries, but to the whole world simultaneously. The net result of this arrogant and insane document has been to alienate almost every other nation on the planet, with the possible exception of the failed state of Israel. [FPF: US/Israel + Holland - Url.: http://tinyurl.com/asaam ] This policy cannot protect the people of this country, because this policy flagrantly spits upon all those who are not Americans. At the moment we have very few friends; and if we do not rescind the Bush Doctrine, we shall have only enemies, wherever there are other people. REVOKE: The Congress of the United States must revoke the war powers that they gave unconditionally to George W. Bush. This illegal forfeiture by Congress of their responsibility for making war, has led the world to see us as an outlaw nation. A people that slinks beneath the skull and crossbones of the Jolly Roger: that Pirate�s flag that we have made our own. By giving Bush the ultimate in unlimited war-making power that was contained in the Congressional 'License to Kill'' that he asked for and received: the Congress violated the trust placed in them by both the constitution and the people. The only course open to us now is to revoke those war powers that Congress gave away in the after-shock of 911. If there is any doubt that this should happen, perhaps a quick look at previous results might be in order. When American helicopters fled from the roof of the American Embassy in Saigon, because we had lost the war in Viet Nam to the insurgents there: Donald Rumsfeld was the US Secretary of Defense. We lost over 57,000 American soldiers in that war: Today we are still in Iraq, with no exit strategy and the official death toll is somewhere above 1,500 dead Americans. Donald Rumsfeld is again the US Secretary of Offense. It took ten long years to end the Viet Nam War, how long will we stay in Iraq? War is the ultimate in obscene and illegal profits, and apparently that is all that we now care about. When we went to Viet Nam we were told that if we lost, there would be a domino effect and all of Southeast Asia, and perhaps even the Pacific would fall to the Communists. We lost, and now the largest Communist states in the world are some of our biggest trading partners. Even Viet Nam although still communist, is embracing capitalism. Meanwhile many of the same people that backed the US war in Southeast Asia have now outsourced their former US jobs and moved their factories to China. And while Communism still exists, it is thriving because of capitalistic moves by the Corporatocracy, to circumvent US taxes and avoid regulations, while reaping billions from cheap and unprotected labor. So who really won that war, and who really lost it: try asking the military veterans! How much longer will this charade go on ' do we have to lose another 55,000 of those that Rummy considers to be nothing more than cannon fodder, before this government concedes reality? Neither Rumsfeld, nor the Pentagon, nor the White House will allow military funerals to become public events. Even military coffins have undergone a name change to prevent the disclosure of their movements. Coffins are now officially �transfer tubes'' and everything is SECRET! The public tends to see Bush in his 'Presidential' bomber-jacket as the leader, the one who sends the troops to war: The truth is the responsibility for this WAR belonged to Congress and when that task was theirs, they illegally gave away that responsibility. The cynical believe that this was so that if things turned bad, then congress could point to all that blood on the hands of Bush and Rumsfeld and the Pentagon. That is what they did, but it is not what they should have done; because Congress is the body constitutionally designated to declare War: So it is Congress that should answer those opposed to these deadly and now unending misadventures. Questions and demands concerning the fate of one's loved ones in uniform should be directed to that Congress of Cowards, to those that took our taxes, then failed to represent the people that earned the money. Those who still think that Bush is somehow involved in leadership, should hold him accountable, but they should know that he will only smirk and sneer. People need to remember that this Bush comes from a long line of failures, and he is only the latest in that would-be dynasty. http://bushwatch.org/family.htm Dubya should not be confused with Harry S. Truman who had a sign on his desk that said 'The Buck Stops Here.'' Because Bush believes that phrase meant that this president should get all the money and none of the blame! One of the greatest ironies of the Bush years is the fact that he's always been just an AWOL cheerleader, pretending to be a cowboy on his pretend ranch, he is now the pretend president of something that he is incapable of understanding. To men like Bush, as well as to hundreds of thousands maybe millions of doctors, lawyers and politicians: an oath is just 'words-on-paper,'' something that only a clueless sucker takes seriously! In their minds ' those of us that get mad because someone failed to keep a promise are just 'useful idiots'' who deserve to be deceived! But what if the suckers begin to question the policies, what if they want an accounting? How much more will continue to be paid out in blood and treasure before this public finally says ENOUGH, and finally demands some Consequences? Speaking of money ' Where is the Money that went into the Social Security Trust Fund ' each and every week for over sixty years? That has to amount to tens of trillions? Bush now says that there never was a Trust Fund � so where is that money that was supposedly placed in trust, to provide for our futures? http://www.rense.com/general64/denial.htm It's one thing to pay as much we do to the government in taxes, only to see that go back to the rich: three times in four years, so far! Social Security was supposed to be our safety net; the one thing we could actually depend on for the insecurity of an old age that everyone knows will come. Congress wants to talk about complexities, and contingencies, but you don�t have to be an accountant or a banker to know that when that much money is created and accumulated: that amount has to grow into something huge - and the bigger it gets the more it earns, so what happened to all that money? RESTORE: The United States of America was a member of the global community of nations. We were far from perfect, but there was a time when people used to look here for an opportunity where they could be free to chase their own dreams and to make a life, without having anything to fear from a vengeful and corrupt government - those days are long gone. As a nation we have now alienated almost everyone on the planet in one way or another. Our long time adversaries are forming compacts to block our every move, and nation after nation is walking away from any involvement with America. We cannot stand-alone in the world, we must take back our government from that corruption that we have allowed to creep into every orifice of our way of life, because there will be Consequences. There is a pathway open, but there is very little time. We must insist that Congress RESCIND the Bush Doctrine of 2002, because the only real safety lies in having decent and balanced policies both domestically and internationally � and this document is the direct opposite of what is healthy for this nation or the world. We must demand that Congress REVOKE the war powers they gave Bush after 911. Then we need to turn over our part in Iraq to the Arab League and bring all troops home. We also need a complete review of American military and foreign policy, worldwide. All of this has to start someplace; to wait is to invite the wasting of evermore blood and treasure on all sides. It is clear that media here is too busy with celebrity affairs to bother with what will shape or lives as well as our deaths. We can no longer ignore reality. Are we gods that can decide who will live and who will die in yet another failed enterprise, that we were conned into believing had something to do with a real and present danger to the USA? Bush destroyed the Atlantic Alliance, threatened the future of NATO and attempted to decimate the UN, and he did all of that for a lie that he knew was nothing but a lie. The formal investigations into WMD have ended - there were none! Where are the Consequences now - for the slaughter of all those people who were guilty of wanting to live in their own country? Now that we�ve failed, where and when will this finally begin to end? Bush and his opportunists have plans to attack many more countries, in his 'never-ending war'' but we don't have enough troops to finish the two wars we're already in. How much long will we tolerate a 'leader'' that can only fail? Where will we get the additional troops for these new wars in the Middle East, what about North Korea, or the rapidly deteriorating scene in central and South America (as the Pentagon sees things). Things are coming apart everywhere, at home and abroad because the truly clueless people in this society are either on Team Bush, or are supporting them. We have all been living with this self-destructive disease for far too long, and still we have not asked the basic questions that each and every one of us must ask. The Bush years mark the first time any American got away with stealing two presidential elections in a row, and with that accomplished: What could anyone in that inner circle possibly still fear? One has to wonder, given everything that�s happened: Is there anything more that these thugs could do that would move the public to genuine and lasting anger? What is being done now will affect generations yet unborn - and yet those most deeply affected still do not speak! Bush & the Bandits have overseen the greatest corporate frauds and thefts, since records have been kept. They have smashed what was left of protections for the viability of the planet and they have crushed the wall between church and state that is bringing the population to the edge of civil war over a primitive ideology of hate and vengeance in politics. In business they have devastated the job markets beyond recognition, while vigorously pushing for unprecedented numbers of outsourced American jobs, thus increasing corporate welfare for the same pirates that have massively increased profits for themselves while escaping billions in taxes. They have been trying to kill American productivity and promise, while failing to provide any alternatives for the road-kill left in the wake of their decisions, just to expand their bottom lines. The list of their crimes against the people of this country that they were sworn to protect, is too vast to even begin to enumerate. Yet in every area of life: from war to child-care, from health and education to law enforcement and national security we have allowed this government to become despicable. Every American is in a partnership with this federal government. They take our taxes, and supposedly provide what the law requires of them, while they supposedly protect us and see to it that there will be a future for the citizens of this country. That �partnership'' has become a criminal hijacking of the rights and futures of all of us that are not rich or powerful, and our 'National Security'' has become the cruelest joke of all, in this growing police state. When was the last time that you asked anything of the government? When have you seriously questioned the motives of anything that is being done in your name? If not why not: Because we continue to pay and pay for that privilege, but too few of us have ever questioned anything! A partnership can only work if both parties speak. The president is not a god, he is just a man a very flawed man, from a very flawed family - still he and his cronies need to be questioned relentlessly on the criminal record they have amassed since they arrived. Bush is terrified of us! He will not speak to any group that allows anyone that disagrees with his pogroms to attend. His thugs detain anyone he does not approve of - where's the free speech, what happened to civil rights? Congress is supposed to ask the questions for us, but there are only a handful of people in that millionaires club who are even remotely interested in that. We became the laughing stock of the world for our ignorance and timidity. And now our reluctance to confront this man and all his creatures has made us targets of opportunity in a world grown hostile and deadly in his aftermath! Many say they did not know - ''this wasn't on the news'' - well does it surprise you that at the Nuremberg Trials, men got life in prison for spreading propaganda, for omitting the news, and for telling the lies that kept the Nazi�s in power? The Media here and now is beneath contempt and should begin to reflect on their responsibilities! When will this begin to happen, when will we finally get mad enough to demand some answers about ALL of these criminal conspiracies, ALL the missing money, ALL the dead bodies, ALL the forsaken promises and ALL the broken dreams that happened because our unsolicited 'partner'' in this life ' has broken every rule of civility, shattered all expectations, and lied about every action they have undertaken since day one of this nightmare? When will it be time for a full and on-the-record accounting, one not done by stooges or co-conspirators, but by those with a real and lasting interest in the truth of what really happened here? In nature and in life there are always consequences because for every action taken, there will always be an equal and opposite reaction. If we wait for this to happen, it will definitely be too late! kirwan Fwd. by: FOREIGN PRESS FOUNDATION http://tinyurl.com/4bm9d Editor : Henk Ruyssenaars http://tinyurl.com/66dmo The Netherlands [email protected] *The Dutch author this far has worked abroad 4 decades for international media as a fully independent foreign correspondent, of which 10 years - also during Gulf War I - in http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/04-30-05/discussion.cgi.41.html ===================================================== Enemies?emies? That's right! It's true! You and I are the enemy of the United States government . . . defined so by law in the UNITED STATES CODE! For us to be enemies, we must be under a state of emergency. We ARE UNDER a declared state of emergency and HAVE BEEN since March 1933. ARE WE THE ENEMY OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT? http://www.barefootsworld.net/usenemy.html WAR POWERS TODAY IN AMERICA The United States is a belligerent government under international law of nations and the people therein. Yes you, dear reader, are the enemy subject and have never, ever, been a sovereign, and neither have your relatives dating back to 1787, UNLESS your relatives were one of the aristocracy having land and money and possibly a grant from the Crown. http://www.freedomdomain.com/sovereignty/inform10.html Executive Orders And Laws relating to National Emergencies Laws http://www.disastercenter.com/laworder/50chap34.htm Subject: Re: IMPORTANT: War and The Emergency Powers (Video) Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2000 14:28:28 -0800 From: "Philip E. Jones" [email protected] To: [email protected] Dear friends, I am organizing a meeting of ALL moderate, conservative, and veterans organizations in March of next year, in San Antonio, for the purpose of consolidating our efforts by forming a coalition of organizations. I would like to take this opportunity to invite you and any organization you are a member of to attend. Let me know if you would be interested and I will advise you of the date when we decide. Thanks. Philip E. Jones, Attorney at Law 126 East Main Plaza San Antonio, Texas 78205 phone: (210) 224-1923; fax: (210) 227-4229 e-mail: [email protected] web site: HTTP://UNITEDVETS.TRIPOD.COM ======================================= "War and emergency powers / Laws, regulations and rules" http://www.findarticles.com/p/search?tb=art&qt=War+and+emergency+powers+%2F+Laws%2C+regulations+and+rules Untaught "Basics" (Emergency War Powers and our Constitution) http://home.att.net/~bellaliberty/warpwr.html Emergency Powers Statutes (Senate Report 93-549) http://www.freedomsite.net/93-549.htm ============================================== WAR AND EMERGENCY POWERS A SPECIAL REPORT ON THE NATIONAL EMERGENCY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA This page contains the complete text of the book "War and Emergency Powers" A SPECIAL REPORT ON THE NATIONAL EMERGENCY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Researched and written by: Gene Schroder, Alvin Jenkins, Jerry Russell, Ed Petrowsky, Russell Grieder, Darrell Schroder, Walter Marston, Lynn Bitner, Billy Schroder, Van Stafford, Fred Peters, Tinker Spain, and Paul Bailey. Due to file size limitations we have elected not to include scanned images of the exhibits that appear in the book. http://usa-the-republic.com/emergency%20powers/powers_3.html ================================================= Oklahoma City University Law Review Volume 24, Number 3 (1999) THE PRESIDENT'S EMERGENCY WAR POWERS AND THE EROSION OF CIVIL LIBERTIES IN PYNCHON'S VINELAND http://tarlton.law.utexas.edu/lpop/etext/okla/thoreen24.htm GET THAT GOLD FRINGE OFF MY FLAG! http://www.apfn.org/apfn/flag.htm Senate approves police searches and seizures without warrants. http://www.apfn.org/apfn/search&seize.htm CORRUPT POLICE STATE! http://www.apfn.org/apfn/policestate.htm ==================================================================== U.S. PATRIOT ACT HR 3162 http://www.apfn.org/apfn/HR3162.htm THIS CASE IS NOT TO BE CITED OR PUBLISHED http://www.apfn.org/apfn/secretoath.htm The Original 13th Article of Amendment http://www.apfn.org/apfn/13th.htm The Law http://www.apfn.org/apfn/thelaw.htm The Declaration of Independence http://www.apfn.org/apfn/declaration.htm . 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Senate Report 93-549 War and Emergency Powers Acts From data available on the web. 93d Congress 1st Session } Senate { Report No. 93-549 EMERGENCY POWERS STATUTES: PROVISIONS OF FEDERAL LAW NOW IN EFFECT DELEGATING TO THE EXECUTIVE EXTRAORDINARY AUTHORITY IN TIME OF NATIONAL EMERGENCY -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE TERMINATION OF THE NATIONAL EMERGENCY UNITED STATES SENATE NOVEMBER 19, 1973 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1973 24-509 O I -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE TERMINATION OF THE NATIONAL EMERGENCY FRANK CHURCH, Idaho Co-Chairman PHILIP A. HART, Michigan CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island ADLAI E. STEVENSON III, Illinois CHARLES McC MATHIAS, Jr., Maryland CLIFFORD P. CASE, New Jersey JAMES B. PEARSON, Kansas CLIFFORD P. HANSEN, Wyoming WILLIAM G. MILLER, Staff Director THOMAS A. DINE, Professional Staff II -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- FOREWORD -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Since March 9, 1933, the United States has been in a state of declared national emergency. In fact, there are now in effect four presidentially-proclaimed states of national emergency: In addition to the national emergency declared by President Roosevelt in 1933, there are also the national emergency proclaimed by President Truman on December 16, 1950, during the Korean conflict, and the states of national emergency declared by President Nixon on March 23, 1970, and August 15, 1971. These proclamations give force to 470 provisions of Federal law. These hundreds of statutes delegate to the President extraordinary powers, ordinarily exercised by the Congress, which affect the lives of American citizens in a host of all-encompassing manners. This vast range of powers, taken together, confer enough authority to rule the country without reference to normal Constitutional processes. Under the powers delegated by these statutes, the President may: seize property; organize and control the means of production; seize commodities; assign military forces abroad; institute martial law; seize and control all transportation and communication; regulate the operation of private enterprise; restrict travel; and, in a plethora of particular ways, control the lives of all American citizens. With the melting of the cold war--the developing detente with the Soviet Union and China, the stable truce of over 20 years duration between North and South Korea, and the end of U.S. involvement in the war in Indochina-there is no present need for the United States Government to continue to function under emergency conditions. The Special Committee on the Termination of the National Emergency was created1 to examine the consequences of terminating the declared states of national emergency that now prevail; to recommend what steps the Congress should take to ensure that the termination can be accomplished without adverse effect upon the necessary tasks of governing; and, also, to recommend ways in which the United States can meet future emergency situations with speed and effectiveness but without relinquishment of congressional oversight and control. In accordance with this mandate, the Special Committee-in conjunction with the Executive branch, expert constitutional authorities, as well as former high officials of this Government-is now engaged -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Note 1: S. Res. 9, 93d Cong., 1st Sess. III -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- in a detailed study to determine the most reasonable ways to restore normalcy to the operations of our Government. A first and necessary step was to bring together the body of statutes, which have been passed by Congress, conferring extraordinary powers upon the Executive branch in times of national emergency. This has been a most difficult task. Nowhere in the Government, in either the Executive or Legislative branches, did there exist a complete catalog of all emergency statutes. Many were aware that there had been a delegation of an enormous amount of power but, of how much power, no one knew. In order to correct this situation, the Special Committee staff was instructed to work with the Executive branch, the Library of Congress, and knowledgeable legal authorities to compile an authoritative list of delegated emergency powers. This Special Committee study, which contains a list of all provisions of Federal law, except the most trivial, conferring extraordinary powers in time of national emergency, was compiled by the staff under the direction of Staff Director William G. Miller, and Mr. Thomas A. Dine; utilizing the help of the General Accounting Office, the American Law Division of the Library of Congress, the Department of Justice, the Department of Defense, and the Office of Emergency Planning. The Special Committee is grateful for the assistance provided by Jack. Goldklang of the Office of Legal Counsel, Department of Justice; Lester S. Jayson, the director of the Congressional Research Service of the Library of Congress; Joseph E. Ross, head of the American Law Division of CRS; and especially Raymond Celada of the Ameri- can Law Division and his able assistants, Charles V. Dale and Grover S. Williams; Paul Armstrong of the General Accounting Office; Linda Lee, Patrick Norton, Roland Moore, William K. Sawyer, Audrey Hatry, Martha Mecham, and David J. Kyte. The Special Committee will also publish a list of Executive Orders, issued pursuant to statutes brought into force by declared states of emergency, at a later date. CHARLES McC. MATHIAS, JR. FRANK CHURCH, Co-Chairmen. IV 93d Congress 1st Session } Senate { Report No. 93-549 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- EMERGENCY POWERS STATUTES: PROVISIONS OF FEDERAL LAW NOW IN EFFECT DELEGATING TO THE EXECUTIVE EXTRAORDINARY AUTHORITY IN TIME OF NATIONAL EMERGENCY -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- November 19, 1973. - Ordered to be printed Mr. MATHIAS (for Mr. CHURCH) as co-chairman of the Special Committee on the Termination of the National Emergency, submitted the following REPORT [Pursuant to S. Res. 9, 93d Cong.] INTRODUCTION -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- A - A BRIEF HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE ORIGINS OF EMERGENCY POWERS NOW IN FORCE A majority of the people of the United States have lived all of their lives under emergency rule. For 40 years, freedoms and governmental procedures guaranteed by the Constitution have, in varying degrees, been abridged by laws brought into force by states of national emergency. The problem of how a constitutional democracy reacts to great crises, however, far antedates the Great Depression. As a philosophical issue, its origins reach back to the Greek city-states and the Roman Republic. And, in the United States, actions taken by the Government in times of great crises have-from, at least, the Civil War-in important ways, shaped the present phenomenon of a permanent state of national emergency. American political theory of emergency government was derived and enlarged from John Locke, the English political-philosopher whose thought influenced the authors of the Constitution. Locke argued that the threat of national crisis-unforeseen, sudden, and potentially catastrophic-required the creation of broad executive (1) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- emergency powers to be exercised by the Chief Executive in situations where the legislative authority had not provided a means or procedure of remedy. Referring to emergency power in the 14th chapter of his Second Treatise on Civil Government as "prerogative"; Locke suggested that it: ...should be left to the discretion of him that has the executive power...since in some governments the lawmaking power is not always in being and is usually too numerous, and so too slow for the dispatch requisite to executions, and because, also it is impossible to foresee and so by laws to provide for all accidents and necessities that may concern the public, or make such laws as will do no harm, if they are executed with an inflexible rigour on all occasions and upon all persons that may come in their way, therefore there is a latitude left to the executive power to do many things of choice; which the laws do not prescribe. To what extent the Founding Fathers adhered to this view of the executive role in emergencies is a much disputed issue. Whatever their conceptions of this role, its development in practice has been based largely on the manner in which individual President's have viewed their office and its functions. Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft argued the proper role of the President and, perhaps, their debate best expounds diametrically-opposed philosophies of the presidency. In his autobiography, Roosevelt asserted his "stewardship theory." My view was that every Executive officer...was a steward of the people bound actively and affirmatively to do all he could for the people and not to content himself with the negative merit of keeping his talents undamaged in a napkin...My belief was that it was not only [the President's] right but his duty to do any thing that the needs of the Nation demanded unless such action was forbidden by the Constitution or by the laws. Under this interpretation of executive power I did and caused to be done many things not previously done by the President and the heads of departments. I did not usurp power but I did greatly broaden the use of executive power. In other words, I acted for the common well being of all our people whenever and whatever measure was necessary, unless prevented by direct constitutional or legislative prohibition. Roosevelt compared this principle of "stewardship" to what he called the Jackson-Lincoln theory, and contrasted it to the theory ascribed to William Howard Taft. Roosevelt's ideas on the limit of presidential authority and responsibility were vigorously disputed by Taft. In lectures on the presidency--delivered at Columbia University in 1915-1916-Taft responded that: ". . . the wide field of action that this would give to the Executive one can hardly limit. A President can exercise no power which cannot fairly and reasonably be traced to some specific grant of power." And he cautioned that: ". . . such specific grants must be (2) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- either in the Federal Constitution, or in any act of Congress passed in pursuance thereof. There is no undefined residuum of power which he can exercise because it seems to him to be in the public interest." In recent years, most scholars have interpreted the Roosevelt-Taft dispute in Roosevelt's favor. In the prevailing academic view, Roosevelt is described as "active", "expansionist", and "strong." The historical reality, in fact, does not afford such a sharp distinction either between the actions of these two Presidents, or between their analysis of the problem of emergency powers. Taft, in his concluding remarks to his Columbia lectures, said : "Executive power is limited, so far as it is possible to limit such a power consistent with that discretion and promptness of action that are essential to preserve the interests of the public in times of emergency or legislative neglect or inaction." Thus, even Taft was disposed to employ emergency power when the need arose, but, he did not wish to go beyond his own narrower, conservative conception of what was meant by constitutional and legal bounds. Thus, the dispute was over where those bounds lay, rather than the nature of the office itself. Taft's successor, Woodrow Wilson, was no less zealous in observing what he thought the Constitution demanded. Faced with the exigencies of World War I, Wilson found it necessary to expand executive emergency powers enormously. In many respects, this expansion ofpowers in wartime was based on precedents set by Lincoln decades earlier. Unlike Lincoln, however, Wilson relied heavily on Congress for official delegations of authority no matter how broadly these might be. Wilson's exercise of power in the First World War provided a model for future Presidents and their advisors. During the preparedeness period of 1915-1916, the submarine crisis in the opening months of 1917, and the period of direct involvement of U.S. armed forces from April 1917 to November 1918, Wilson utilized powers as sweeping as Lincoln's. Because governmental agencies were more highly organized and their jurisdictions wider, presidential powers were considerably more effective than ever before. Yet, perhaps, because of Wilson's scrupulous attention to obtaining prior congressional concurrence there was only one significant congressional challenge to Wilson's wartime measures. That challenge came in February-March 1917, following the severance of diplomatic relations with Germany. A group of Senators successfully filibustered a bill authorizing the arming of American merchant ships. In response--records American historian Frank Freidel in his book Roosevelt: the Apprenticeship - Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt found an old statute under which the President could proceed without fresh authorization from Congress. Roosevelt, impatient for action, was irritated because Wilson waited a few days before implementing the statute. Lincoln had drawn most heavily upon his power as Commander-in-Chief; Wilson exercised emergency power on the basis of old statutes and sweeping new legislation--thus drawing on congressional delegation as a source of authority: The most significant Wilsonian innovations were economic, including a wide array of defense and war agencies, modeled to some extent upon British wartime (3) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- precedents. In August 1916 just prior to the United States entry into the war, Congress at Wilson's behest established a Council of National Defense-primarily advisory. In 1917, a War Industries Board, also relatively weak, began operating. The ineffectiveness of the economic mobilization led Republicans in Congress - in the winter of 1917-1918 to demand a coalition War Cabinet similar to that in England. Wilson forestalled Congress by proposing legislation delegating him almost total economic power and, even before legislative approval, authorized the War Industries Board to exercise extensive powers. Subsequently Congress enacted Wilson's measure, the Overman Act, in April 1918. Other legislation extended the economic authority of the Government in numerous directions. Following the allied victory, Wilson relinquished his wartime authority and asked Congress to repeal the emergency statutes, enacted to fight more effectively the war. Only a food-control measure and the 1917 Trading With the Enemy Act were retained. This procedure of terminating emergency powers when the particular emergency itself has, in fact, ended has not been consistently followed by his successors. The next major development in the use of executive emergency powers came under Franklin D. RooseveIt. The Great Depression had already overtaken the country by the time of Roosevelt's inauguration and confronted him with a totally different crisis. This emergency, unlike those of the past, presented a nonmilitary threat. The Roosevelt administration, however, conceived the economic crisis to be a calamity equally as great as a war and employed the metaphor of war to emphasize the depression's severity. In his inaugural address, Roosevelt said: "I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe." Many of the members of the Roosevelt administration, including F.D.R. himself, were veterans of the economic mobilization of World War I and drew upon their experiences to combat the new situation. The first New Deal agencies, indeed, bore strong resemblance to wartime agencies and many had the term "emergency" in their titles-such as the Federal Emergency Relief Administration and the National Emergency Council. In his first important official act, Roosevelt proclaimed a National Bank Holiday on the basis of the 1917 Trading With the Enemy Act - itself a wartime delegation of power. New Deal historian William E. Leuchtenburg writes: When he sent his banking bill to Congress, the House received it with much the same ardor as it had greeted Woodrow Wilson's war legislation. Speaker Rainey said the situation reminded him of the late war when "on both sides of this Chamber the great war measures suggested by the administration were supported with practical unanimity....Today we are engaged in another war, more serious even in its character and presenting greater dangers to the Republic." After only 38 minutes debate, the House passed the administration's banking bill, sight unseen. (4) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The Trading With the Enemy Act had, however, been specifically designed by its originators to meet only wartime exigencies. By employing it to meet the demands of the depression, Roosevelt greatly extended the concept of "emergencies" to which expansion of executive powers might be applied. And in so doing, he established a pattern that was followed frequently: In time of crisis the President should utilize any statutory authority readily at hand, regardless of its original purposes, with the firm expectation of ex post facto congressional concurrence. Beginning with F.D.R., then, extensive use of delegated powers exercised under an aura of crisis has become a dominant aspect of the presidency. Concomitant with this development has been a demeaning of the significance of "emergency." It became a term used to evoke public and congressional approbation, often bearing little actual relation to events. Roosevelt brain-truster, Rexford G. Tugwell, has described the manner in which Roosevelt used declarations of diferent degrees of emergency: The "limited emergency" was a creature of Roosevelt's imagination, used to make it seem that he was doing less than he was. He did not want to create any more furor than was necessary. The qualifying adjective had no limiting force. It was purely for public effect. But the finding that an emergency existed opened a whole armory of powers to the Commander-in-Chief, far more than Wilson had had. Roosevelt and his successor, Harry S. Truman, invoked formal states of emergency to justify extensive delegations of authority during actual times of war. The Korean war, however, by the fact of its never having been officially declared a "war" as such by Congress, further diluted the concept of what constituted circumstances sufficiently critical to warrant the delegation of extraordinary authority to the President. At the end of the Korean war, moreover, the official state of emergency was not terminated. It is not yet terminated. This may be primarily attributed to the continuance of the Cold War atmosphere which, until recent years, made the imminent threat of hostilities an accepted fact of everyday life, with "emergency" the normal state of affairs. In this, what is for all practical purposes, permanent state of emergency, Presidents have exercised numerous powers - most notably under the Trading With the Enemy Act - legitimated by that ongoing state of national emergency. Hundreds of others have lain fallow, there to be exercised at any time, requiring only an order from the President. Besides the 1933 1 and Korean war emergencies,2 two other states of declared national emergency remain in existence. On March 23, 1970, confronted by a strike of Postal Service employees, President Nixon declared a national emergency.3 The following year, on August -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Note 1: See Appendix. p. 594. 2: - Ibid 3 - Ibid, p. 596. (5) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 15, 1971, Nixon proclaimed another emergency,1 under which he imposed stringent import controls in order to meet an international monetary crisis. Because of its general language, however, that proclamation could serve as sufficient authority to use a substantial proportion of all the emergency statutes now on the books. Over the course of at least the last 40 years, then, Presidents have had available an enormous - seemingly expanding and never-ending - range of emergency powers. Indeed, at their fullest extent and during the height of a crisis, these "prerogative" powers appear to be virtually unlimited, confirming Locke's perceptions. Because Congress and the public are unaware of the extent of emergency powers, there has never been any notable congressional or public objection made to this state of affairs. Nor have the courts imposed significant limitations. During the New Deal, the Supreme Court initially struck down much of Roosevelt's emergency economic legislation (Schecter v. United States, 295 U.S. 495). However, political pressures, a change in personnel, and presidential threats of court-packing, soon altered this course of decisions (NLRB v. Jones & Lauqhlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1). Since 1987, the Court has been extremely reluctant to invalidate any congressional delegation of economic powers to the President. It appears that this will not change in the foreseeable future. In a significant case directly confronting the issue of wartime emergency powers, Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (343 U.S. 579), the Court refused to allow the President to rely upon implied constitutional powers during a crisis. The action at issue involved presidential seizure of steel plants in a manner apparently directly at odds with congressional policy, Justice Black's plurality opinion specifically acknowledges that if Congress delegates powers to the President for use during an emergency those powers are absolutely valid within constitutional restraints on Congress' own power to do so. Concurring opinions appear to agree on this point. It should be noted, therefore, that all statutes in this compilation are precisely these kinds of specific congressional delegations of power. The 2,000-year-old problem of how a legislative body in a democratic republic may extend extraordinary powers for use by the executive during times of great crisis and dire emergency - but do so in ways assuring both that such necessary powers will be terminated immediately when the emergency has ended and that normal processes will be resumed - has not yet been resolved in this country. Too few are aware of the existence of emergency powers and their extent, and the problem has never been squarely faced. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- B - SUMMARY VIEWS OF THE PRESENT STATUS OF EMERGENCY POWERS STATUTES A review of the laws passed since the first state of national emergency was declared in 1933, reveals a consistent pattern of lawmaking. It is a pattern showing that the Congress, through its own actions, transferred awesome magnitudes of power to the executive ostensibly to meet the problems of governing effectively in times of great crisis. Since 1933, Congress has passed or recodified over 470 significant statutes delegating to the President powers that had been -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Note 1: Ibid, p. 597. (6) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- the prerogative and responsibility of the Congress since the beginning of the Republic. No charge can be sustained that the Executive branch has usurped powers belonging to the Legislative branch; on the contrary, the transfer of power has been in accord with due process of normal legislative procedures. It is fortunate that at this time that, when the fears and tensions of the cold war are giving way to relative peace and detente is now national policy, Congress can assess the nature, quality, and effect of what has become known as emergency powers legislation. Emergency powers make up a relatively small but important body of statutes - some 470 significant provisions of law out of the total of tens of thousands that have been passed or recodified since 1933. But emergency powers laws are of such significance to civil liberties, to the operation of domestic and foreign commerce, and the general functioning of the U.S. Government, that, in microcosm, they reflect dominant trends in the political, economic, and judicial life in the United States. A number of conclusions can be drawn from the Special Committee's study and analysis of emergency powers laws now in effect. Congress has in most important respects, except for the final action of floor debate and the formal passage of bills, permitted the Executive branch to draft and in large measure to "make the laws." This has occurred despite the constitutional responsibility conferred on Congress by Article I Section 8 of the Constitution which states that it is Congress that "makes all Laws . . ." Most of the statutes pertaining to emergency powers were passed in times of extreme crisis. Bills drafted in the Executive branch were sent to Congress by the President and, in the case of the most significant laws that ate on the books, were approved with only the most perfunctory committee review and virtually no consideration of their effect on civil liberties or the delicate structure of the U.S. Government of divided powers. For example, the economic measures that were passed in 1933 pursuant to the proclamation of March 5, 1933, by President Roosevelt, asserting that a state of national emergency now existed, were enacted in the most turbulent circumstances. There was a total of only 8 hours of debate in both houses. There were no committee reports; indeed, only one copy of the bill was available an the floor. This pattern of hasty and inadequate consideration was repeated during World War II when another group of laws with vitally significant and far reaching implications was passed. It was repeated during the Korean war and, again, in most recent memory, during the debate on the Tonkin Gulf Resolution passed on August 6, 1064. On occasion, legislative history shows that during the limited debates that did take place, a few, but very few, objections were raised by Senators and Congressmen that expressed serious concerns about the lack of provision for congressional oversight. Their speeches raised great doubts about the wisdom of giving such open-ended authority to the President, with no practical procedural means to withdraw that authority once the time of emergency had passed. For example, one of the very first provisions passed in 1933 was the Emergency Banking Act based upon Section 5(b) of the Trading With the Enemy Act of 1917. The provisions gave to President Roosevelt, with the full approval of the Congress, the authority (7) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- to control major aspects of the economy, an authority which had formerly been reserved to the Congress. A portion of that provision, still in force, is quoted here to illustrate the kind of open-ended authority Congress has given to the President during the past 40 years: (1) During the time of war or during any other period of national emergency declared by the President, the President may, through any agency that he may designate, or otherwise, and under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe, by means of instructions, licenses, or otherwise - (A) investigate, regulate, or prohibit, any transactions in foreign exchange, transfers of credit or payments between, by, through, or to any banking institution, and the importing, exporting, hoarding, melting, or earmarking of gold or silver coin or bullion, currency or securities, and (B) investigate, regulate, direct and compel, nullify, void, prevent or prohibit, any acquisition, holding, withholding, use, transfer, withdrawal, transportation, importation or exportation of, or dealing in, or exercising any right, power, or privilege with respect to, or transactions involving, any property in which any foreign country or a national thereof has any interest. by any person, or with respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the United States; and any property or interest of any foreign country or national thereof shall vest, when, as, and upon the terms, directed be the President, in such agency or person as may be designated from time to time by the President, and upon such terms and conditions as the President may prescribe such interest or property shall be held, used, administered, liquidated, sold, or otherwise dealt with in the interest of and for the benefit of the United States, and such designated agency or person may perform any and all acts incident to the accomplishment or furtherance of these purposes; and the President shall, in the manner hereinabove provided, require any person to keep a full record of, and to furnish under oath, in the form of reports or otherwise, complete information relative to any act or transaction referred to in this subdivision either before, during, or after the completion thereof, or relative to any interest in foreign property, or relative to any property in which any foreign country or any national thereof has or has had anger interest, or as may be otherwise necessary to enforce the provisions of this subdivision, and in any case in which a report could be required, the President may, in the manner hereinabove provided, receive the production, or if necessary to the national security or defense, the seizure, of any books of account, records, contracts, letters. memoranda. or other papers, in the custody or control of such person; and the President, may, in the manner hereinabove provided, take other and further measures not inconsistent herewith for the enforcement of this subdivision. (2) Any payment, conveyance, transfer, assignment, or delivery of property or interest therein, made to or for the account of the United States, or as otherwise directed, pursuant to this subdivision or any rule, regulation, instruction, (8) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- or direction issued hereunder shall to the extent thereof be a full acquittance and discharge for all purposes of the obligation of the person making the same; and no person shall be held liable in any court for or in respect to anything done or omitted in good faith in connection with the administration of, or in pursuance of and in reliance on, this subdivision, or any rule, regulation, instruction, or direction issued hereunder. To cite two further examples: In the context of the war powers issue and the long debate of the past decade over national commitments, 10 U.S.C. 712 is of importance: 10 U.S.C. 712. Foreign governments: detail to assist. (a) Upon the application of the country concerned, the President, whenever he considers it in the public interest, may detail members of the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps to assist in military matters - (1) any republic in North America, Central America, or South America; (2) the Republic of Cuba, Haiti, or Santo Domingo and (3) during a war or a declared national emergency, any other country that he considers it advisable to assist in the interest of national defense. (b) Subject to the prior approval of the Secretary of the military department concerned, a member detailed under this section may accept any office from the country to which he is detailed. He is entitled to credit for all service while so detailed, as if serving with the armed forces of the United States. Arrangements may be made by the President, with countries to which such members are detailed to perform functions under this section, for reimbursement to the United States or other sharing of the cost of performing such functions. The Defense Department, in answer to inquiries by the Special Committee concerning this provision, has stated that it has only been used with regard to Latin America, and interprets its applicability as being limited to noncombatant advisers. However, the language of Section 712 is wide open to other interpretations. It could be construed as a way of extending considerable military assistance to any foreign country. Since Congress has delegated this power, arguments could be made against the need for further congressional concurrence in a, time of national emergency. The repeal of almost all of the Emergency Detention Act of 1950 was a constructive and necessary step, but the following provision remains: 18. U.S.C. 1383. Restrictions in military areas and zones. Whoever, contrary to the restrictions applicable thereto, enters, remains in, leaves, or commits any act in any military area or military zone prescribed under the authority of an Executive order of the President, by the Secretary of the Army, or by any military commander designated by the Secretary of the Army, shall, if it appears that he knew or (9) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- should have known of the existence and extent of the restrictions or order and that his act was in violation thereof, be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than one year, or both. 18 U.S.C. 1383 does not appear on its face to be an emergency power. It was used as the basis for internment of Japanese-Americans in World War II. Although it seems to be cast as a permanent power, the legislative history of the section shows that the statute was intended as a World War II emergency power only, and was not to apply in "normal" peacetime circumstances. Two years ago, the Emergency Detention Act was repealed, yet 18 U.S.C. 1383 has almost the same effect. Another pertinent question among many, that the Special Committee's work has revealed, concerns the statutory authority for domestic surveillance by the FBI. According to some experts, the authority for domestic surveillance appears to be based upon an Executive Order issued by President Roosevelt during an emergency period. If it is correct that no firm statutory authority exists, then it is reasonable to suggest that the appropriate committees enact proper statutory authority for the FBI with adequate provision for oversight by Congress. What these examples suggest and what the magnitude of emergency powers affirm is that most of these laws do not provide for congressional oversight or termination. There are two reasons which can be adduced as to why this is so. First, few, if any, foresaw that the temporary states of emergency declared in 1938, 1939, 1941, 1950, 1970, and 1971 would become what are now regarded collectively as virtually permanent states of emergency (the 1939 and 1941 emergencies were terminated in 1952). Forty years can, in no way, be defined as a temporary emergency. Second, the various administrations who drafted these laws for a variety of reasons were understandably not concerned about providing for congressional review, oversight, or termination of these delegated power's which gave the President enormous powers and flexibility to use those powers. The intense anxiety and sense of crisis was contained in the rhetoric of Truman's 1950 proclamation: Whereas recent events in Korea and elsewhere constitute a grave threat to the peace of the world and imperil the efforts of this country and those of the United Nations to prevent aggression and armed conflict; and Whereas world conquest by communist imperialism is the goal of the forces of aggression that have been loosed upon the world; and Whereas, if the goal of communist imperialism were to be achieved, the people of this country would no longer enjoy the full and rich life they have with God's help built for themselves and their children; they would no longer enjoy the blessings of the freedom of worshipping as they severally choose, the freedom of reading and listening to what they choose, the right of free speech, including the right to criticize their Government, the right to choose those who will con- (10) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- duct their Government, the right to engage freely in collective bargaining, the right to engage freely in their own business enterprises, and the many other freedoms and rights which are a part of our way of life; and Whereas, the increasing menace of the forces of communist aggression requires that the national defense of the United States be strengthened as speedily as possible: Now, therefore, I, Harry S. Truman, President of the United States of America, do proclaim the existence of a national emergency, which requires that the military, naval, air, and civilian defenses of this country be strengthened as speedily as possible to the end that we may be able to repel any and all threats against our national security and to fulfill our responsibilities in the efforts being made through the United Nations and otherwise to bring about lasting peace. I summon all citizens to make a united effort for the security and well-being of our beloved country and to place its needs foremost in thought and action that the full moral and material strength of the Nation may be readied for the dangers which threaten us. I summon our farmers, our workers in industry, and our businessmen to make a mighty production effort to meet the defense requirements of the Nation and to this end to eliminate all waste and inefficiency and to subordinate all lesser interests to the common good. I summon every person and every community to make, with a spirit of neighborliness, whatever sacrifices are necessary for the welfare of the Nation. I summon all State and local leaders and officialsto cooperate fully with the military and civilian defense agencies of the United States in the national defense program. I summon all citizens to be loyal to the principles upon which our Nation is founded, to keep faith with our friends and allies, and to be firm in our devotion to the peaceful purposes for which the United Nations was founded. I am confident that we will meet the dangers that confront us with courage and determination, strong in the faith that we can thereby "secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington this 16th day of December (10:90 a.m.) in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and fifty, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and seventy-fifth. HARRY S. TRUMAN [SEAL] By the President: DEAN ACHESON, Secretary of State (11) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The heightened sense of crisis of the cold war so evident in Truman's proclamation has fortunately eased. The legislative shortcomings contained in this body of laws can be corrected on the basis of rational study and inquiry. In the view of the Special Committee, an emergency does not now exist. Congress, therefore, should act in the near future to terminate officially the states of national emergency now in effect. At the same time, the Special Committee is of the view that it is essential to provide the means for the Executive to act effectively in an emergency. It is reasonable to have a body of laws in readiness to delegate to the President extraordinary powers to use in times of real national emergency. The portion of the concurring opinion given by Justice Jackson in the Youngstown Steel case with regard to emergency powers provides sound and pertinent guidelines for the maintenance of such a body of emergency laws kept in readiness to be used in times of extreme crisis. Justice Jackson, supporting the majority opinion that the "President's power must stem either from an act of Congress or from the Constitution itself" wrote: The appeal, however, that we declare the existence of inherent powers ex necessitate to meet an emergency asks us to do what many think would be wise, although it is something the forefathers omitted. They knew what emergencies were, knew the pressures they engender for authoritative action, knew, too, how they afford a ready pretext for usurpation. We may also suspect that they suspected that emergency powers would tend to kindle emergencies. Aside from suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in time of rebellion or invasion, when the public safety may require it, they made no express provision for exercise of extraordinary authority because of a crisis. I do not think we rightfully may so amend their work, and, if we could, I am not convinced it would be wise to do so, although many modern nations have forthrightly recognized that war and economic crises may upset the normal balance between liberty and authority. Their experience with emergency powers may not be irrelevant to the argument here that we should say that the Executive, of his own volition, can invest himself with undefined emergency powers. Germany, after the First World War, framed the Weimar Constitution, designed to secure her liberties in the Western tradition. However, the President of the Republic, without concurrence of the Reichstag, was empowered temporarily to suspend any or all individual rights if public safety and order were seriously disturbed or endangered. This proved a temptation to every government, whatever its shade of opinion, and in 13 years suspension of rights was invoked on more than 250 occasions. Finally, Hitler persuaded President Von Hindenburg to suspend ail such rights, and they were never restored. The French Republic provided for a very different kind of emergency government known as the "state of seige." It differed from the German emergency dictatorship particularly in that emergency powers could not be assumed at will (12) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- by the Executive but could only be granted as a parliamentary measure. And it did not, as in Germany, result in a suspension or abrogation of law but was a legal institution governed by special legal rules and terminable by parliamentary authority. Great Britain also has fought both World Wars under a sort of temporary dictatorship created by legislation. As Parliament is not bound by written constitutional limitations, it established a crisis government simply by delegation to its Ministers of a larger measure than usual of its own un1imited power, which is exercised under its supervision by Ministers whom it may dismiss, This has been called the "high-water mark in the voluntary surrender of liberty," but, as Churchill put it, "Parliament stands custodian of these surrendered liberties, and its most sacred duty will be to restore them in their fullness when victory has crowned our exertions and our perseverance." Thus, parliamentary controls made emergency powers compatible with freedom. This contemporary foreign experience may be inconclusive as to the wisdom of lodging emergency powers somewhere in a modern government. But it suggests that emergency powers are consistent with free government only when their control is lodged elsewhere than in the Executive who exercises them. That is the safeguard that would be nullified by our adoption of the "inherent pointers" formula. Nothing in my experience convinces me that such risks are warranted by any real necessity, although such powers would, of course, be an executive convenience. In the practical working of our Government we already have evolved a technique within the framework of the Constitution by which normal executive powers may be considerably expanded to meet an emergency, Congress may and has granted extraordinary authorities which lie dormant in normal times but may be called into play by the Executive in war or upon proclamation of a national emergency. In 1939, upon congressional request, the Attorney General listed ninety-nine such separate statutory grants by Congress of emergency or wartime executive powers. They were invoked from time to time as need appeared. Under this procedure we retain Government by law-special, temporary law, perhaps, but law nonetheless. The public may know the extent and limitations of the powers that can be asserted, and persons affected may be informed from the statute of their rights and duties. In view of the ease, expedition and safety with which Congress can grant and has granted large emergency powers, certainly ample to embrace this crisis, I am quite unimpressed with the argument that we should affirm possession of them without statute. Such power either has no beginning or it has no end, If it exists, it need submit to no legal restraint. I am not alarmed that it would plunge us straightway into dictatorship, but it is at least a step in that wrong direction. * * * * * * 24-509 O - 73 - 3 (13) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- But I have no illusion that any decision by this Court can keep power in the hands of Congress if it is not wise and timely in meeting its problems. A crisis that challenges the President equally, or perhaps primarily, challenges Congress. If not good law, there was worldly wisdom in the maxim attributed to Napoleon that "The tools belong to the man who can use them." We may say that power to legislate for emergencies belongs in the hands of Congress, but only Congress itself can prevent power from slipping through its fingers. The essence of our free Government is "leave to live by no man's leave, underneath the law" - to be governed by those impersonal forces which we call law. Our Government is fashioned to fulfill this concept so far as humanly possible. The Executive, except for recommendation and veto, has no legislative power. The executive action we have here originates in the individual will of the President and represents an exercise of authority without law. No one, perhaps not even the President, knows the limits of the power he may seek to exert in this instance and the parties affected cannot learn the limit of their rights. We do not know today what powers over labor or property would be claimed to flow from Government possession if we should legalize it, what rights to compensation would be claimed or recognized, or on what contingency it would end. With all its defects, delays and in-conveniences, men have discovered no technique for long preserving free government except that the Executive be under the law, and that the law be made by parliamentary deliberations. Such institutions may be destined to pass away. But it is the duty of the Court to be last, not first, to give them up. With these guidelines and against the background of experience of the last 40 years, the task that remains for the Special Committee is to determine - in close cooperation with all the Standing Committees of the Senate and all Departments, Commissions, and Agencies of the Executive branch - which of the laws now in force might be of use in a future emergency. Most important, a legislative formula needs to be devised which will provide a regular and consistent procedure by which any emergency provisions are called into force. It will also be necessary to establish a means by which Congress can exercise effective oversight over such actions as are taken pursuant to a state of national emergency as well as providing a regular and consistent procedure for the termination of such grants of authority. 24-509 O - 73 - 3 (14) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- COMPILING THE TEXTS OF EMERGENCY POWER STATUTES Pursuant to S. Res. 9 of January 6, 1973, the U.S. Senate directed the Special Committee on the Termination of the National Emergency to study and investigate emergency powers legislation now in force. From the outset of its work, the Special Committee faced the problem of determining, with reasonable accuracy, the number, nature, and extent of emergency statutes passed by Congress since 1933 which delegate extraordinary powers to the President in time of crisis or impending catastrophe. It was evident, initially, that existing listings of executive emergency powers were either out-of-date or inadequate for the Special Committee's purposes. It became apparent, too, that the United States Government has been operating under an unrelieved state of emergency of 40 years' duration. During this period, an enormous body of laws dealing with severe economic crisis and America's response to three wars had been passed by Congress through an almost unnoticed process of gradual accretion. In the past, the only way to compile a catalog useful to Congress would have required going through every page of the 86 volumes of the Statutes-at-Large. Fortunately, the U.S. Code (1970 edition and one supplement) was put onto computer tapes by the United States Air Force in the so-called LITE System, which is located at a military facility in the State of Colorado. The Special Committee staff, working in conjunction with the Justice Department, the Library of Congress, and the General Accounting Office, devised several programs for computer searches. These programs were based on a wide spectrum of key words and phrases contained in typical provisions of law , which delegate extraordinary powers. Examples of some trigger words are "national emergency," "war," "national defense," "invasion," "insurrection," etc. These programs, designed to produce a computer printout of all provisions of the U.S. Code that pertain to a state of war or national emergency, resulted in several thousand citations. At this point, the Special Committee staff and the staff of the American Law Division, Library of Congress, went through the printouts, separated out all those provisions of the U.S, Code most relevant to war or national emergency, and weeded out those provisions of a trivial or extremely remote nature. Two separate teams worked on the computer printouts and the results were put together in a third basic list of U.S. Code citations. To determine legislative intent, the U.S. Code citations were then hand checked against the Statutes-at-Large, the Reports of Stand- (15) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ing Committees of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives and, where applicable, Reports of Senate and House Conferences. In addition, the laws passed since the publishing of the 1970 Code were checked and relevant citations were added to the master list. The compilation was then checked against existing official catalogs: That of the Department of Defense, "Digest of War and Emergency Legislation Affecting the Department of Defense"; that of the Once of Emergency Planning, "Guide to the Emergency Powers Conferred by Laws in Effect on January 1, 1969"; and, the 1962 House Judiciary Committee synopsis of emergency powers, "Provisions of Federal Law in Effect in Time of National Emergency." The task of compiling a catalog of emergency powers statutes, therefore, has been immeasurably assisted by use of computers, but computers could not replace the need for a systematic and very laborious hand search of all of the volumes of the U.S. Code, the Statutes-at-Large, and Senate and House Reports. The following compilation is intended to be used as a working list of the most relevant emergency provisions of the law. The Special Committee cannot be certain that every statute that could or may be called into use during a time of war or national emergency is in the following compilation. However, the Special Committee believes that the most significant provisions are herein cataloged. The compilation is organized as follows: 1. A summary of all the U.S. Code citations in order of their appearance in the Code, and specific Public Laws with the Congress and the year they were enacted. 2. The texts of U.S. Code citations and Public Laws with explanatory notes and such material from Senate and House Reports which explains Congress' primary intent concerning these provisions of law. 3. Citation of statutes in accordance to committee jurisdictions. The appendix contains: 1. Seven tables that list various breakdowns of the usage of the United States Code. 2. The four proclamations of national emergency now in effect. 3. A subject index. (16) End of Senate Report 93-549 Reproduction of all or any parts of the above text may be used for general information. This HTML presentation is copyright by Barefoot, December 1996 Mirroring is not Netiquette without the Express Permission of Barefoot. Barefoot, 18446 W. Holland Road, Post Falls, ID 83854

A cashless world would be a great method of control for the government to use. When it comes time to declare Martial Law and put the general population in prison camps, all the gov has to do is freeze all electronic means of transferring money. At that point, everyone would be in a bind...UNLESS..you of course had gold...BUT gov is clever..they declared it illegal for people to own gold...If people had gold, that would be BAD for the gov cause gold never loses it value, and gov wouldnt be able to control it. Ready for the blue pill??

1) Read this first- it's from his site thefigtree.com about the body and the healing process http://www.thefigtreeonline.com/The%20Bio-Electric%20Cell%20Food%20Intracellular%20Guide.pdf Maybe we should buy his cleanse and try it out (both of us) before we go to the healing village 2) Info about Honduras, plus a little paragraph about Dr. Sebi http://honduras.com/hondurastips/english/laceiba.htm Just outside of La Ceiba, on the highway to Jutiapa and Trujillo, (25 km east of La Ceiba) lies the Usha and the Fig Tree medical center. Operated by the famous Dr. Sebi, this rehabilitation / rejuvenation center is becoming famous for its treatment of diseases, such as cancer and diabetes. Based on a complex vegetarian diet and medication, combined with the natural hot springs in the area, several different clients have reputedly been cured of these diseases. The center has no telephone on site, you can call 440 0041 in La Ceiba, where more information is available, or you can visit the center, which is easily reached by taking the highway leading towards Trujillo. Just past Km. 225, there is sign on the right hand side of the road, with a narrow paved road leading to the center, located about 900 feet from the highway. Access to the hot springs is available for a fee of Lps. 30.00 per person for 15 minutes. 3) AP news article that came out when the press found out that Lisa "Left Eye" Lopes from TLC was staying at the village w/ Dr. Sebi when she was killed in a car accident a few years ago. http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2843/is_1_27/ai_95501872 4) Dr. Sebi's website www.drsebi.com plus info on a FDA court decision. http://www.drsebi.com/03courtdecision.html

Hey...looks like I'll be getting back in to the sport again after a 3 year break... and Skydive Alabama is the closest bigger DZ to Nashville... Anybody tell me what it's like, that would be awesome... T

yep..its on its way...one step closer to a New World Order.. T

only 60 bucks to make an exact mold of your penis...and ladies, they make one for your vagina as well!!!

Let me know!!

Exactly my point!! 25k is NOT a lot of money!!!